Thursday, August 21, 2008

Musharraf unwinds with tennis after resigning
Much speculation on whether ex-president will face treason, other charges

Human rights groups insist Pervez Musharraf must face justice over the alleged disappearance of hundreds of terrorist suspects into the custody of Pakistan's shadowy intelligence services.
Pakistan - Ousted from Pakistan's presidency, Pervez Musharraf has been unwinding with friends and admirers and on the tennis court. He's building a roomy farmhouse on the edge of the capital.
But his critics may not be finished with him yet: Musharraf faces an array of possible legal complaints, including treason charges, that some speculate could force him into exile.
On Tuesday, a day after he resigned as head of state and nearly nine years after he seized power in a military coup, Musharraf played tennis and relaxed with friends and family at his army-guarded residence.

Wednesday, August 20, 2008

New Reasons to Avoid Mixing Juice and Medicine

Patients often are warned against taking certain pills with grapefruit juice, which can turn normal doses of a drug into a toxic overdose. Now, researchers have raised a new concern: grapefruit, orange and apple juices may also block the effects of some drugs, wiping out any potential benefit to patients, according to a new study.
So far, the investigators have found that grapefruit, orange and apple juices reduce absorption of the anticancer drug etoposide; certain beta blockers used to treat high blood pressure; cyclosporine, used to prevent rejection of transplanted organs; and certain antibiotics. Additional drugs are likely to be added to the list, said David G. Bailey, a professor of clinical pharmacology at the University of Western Ontario.
“This is just the tip of the iceberg,” Dr. Bailey said. “I’m sure we’ll find more and more drugs that are affected
Pakistan coalition may-split post-Musharraf: analysts

"The glue that was holding the coalition partners together was Mr Musharraf. Now that punching bag has gone," said Rashid Rehman, a former newspaper editor and analyst.

Deadlock between Pakistan's coalition partners over the restoration of deposed judges has raised questions about the survival of the government that forced President Pervez Musharraf's resignation.
Musharraf, the former army chief and key ally of the United States in its campaign against terrorism, resigned as president of nuclear-armed Pakistan on Monday to avoid impeachment by the coalition government.
But the two main coalition partners, the party of assassinated former prime minister Benazir Bhutto and that of another former prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, are unnatural allies.

Bitter rivals during the 1990s, when Bhutto and Sharif alternated as prime minister, the parties were thrown together by their opposition to Musharraf. His departure could undermine the logic of their alliance, analysts said.
"The only thing that's a surprise is how quickly it has happened after Musharraf left. They've hardly had time to savor their victory," Rehman said.
Investors are watching nervously.

Pakistan's fragile democracy.


Who will be the next president of Pakistan?


Mystery of General Zia’s death

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President Zia-ul-Haq, who died in a plane crash in 1988. It is said the Americans had become unhappy with the man who had served them so well and had come to regard him as a petty client grown too big for his boots, pretty much as they are said to have come to regard Musharraf now.

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In an appearance on ARY TV channel on the 17th August anniversary of General Zia-ul Haq’s death in an air crash in 1988, his son, Ijaz-ul Haq, once again raised the question of “wilful neglect” of investigation into his father’s death. He spoke of the Justice Shafiur Rehman Commission, whose damning report came out in 1993 complaining that the then army chief, General Aslam Beg, had acted in a strange manner after the air crash in Bahawalpur.

He referred to the now-secret Shafiur Rehman Commission Report — whose copy was quietly sent to him by a member of the Commission — and pointed to instances of a “cover-up” that could not have been mounted without the consent of the military high command.The same TV discussion had two other inputs.

The ex-ISI chief General (Retd) Hamid Gul was of the opinion that the Americans killed Zia after they had “used him” and because he was going to set up a true shariat-based Islamic state in Pakistan. He said the Americans killed off leaders after using them and referred in this context to the assassination of Ms Benazir Bhutto. The other input came from an officer who was not ready to speak in the programme but wanted to see Mr Haq separately to tell him what had actually transpired on August 17, 1988.

The Shafiur Rehman Commission Report is today classified as secret but when it was submitted to the government in 1993 a copy of it was received in some newspapers too and at least one newspaper published an Urdu translation of it.

The contents bear out what Mr Ijaz-ul Haq says. The Commission called its work “inconclusive” because it was not allowed by the army to investigate the Bahawalpur crash fully. It was convinced that the air-crash was an act of sabotage. It noted that the evidence was destroyed by the quick removal of debris and by an equally quick burial of the dead bodies without post mortem. The army refused to hand over the back door of the aircraft which had a hole in it.

(This door was noted in the photographs that were appended to an earlier Air Force inquiry.) The Commission complained bitterly about the fact that army loaders, who had placed some special cargo in the cockpit, were allowed to appear before it only after great resistance and that during their appearance in the court they were accompanied by army officers as “minders” who obstructed testimony by their presence.Mr Haq also referred to the efforts made by army chief General Asif Nawaz to get at the truth but he was soon embroiled in a tussle with some sacked ISI officers like Brig Imtiaz Billa employed in the Nawaz Sharif government and died of a heart attack. Mr Haq also referred to a much more incriminating investigation that appeared or was planted in weekly Takbeer whose editor had presented a copy of his journal to the Shafiur Rehman Commission. The editor was later assassinated.

The Commission considered the allegation that the Americans had killed Zia and ended up actually praising the US for holding an inquiry in the Senate while Pakistan had failed to do so.As for the allegation that the US kills people it has used who are no longer useful, one has to consider the fact that Zia was America’s man in the tussle that was emerging next door to Pakistan between the Arabs and Revolutionary Iran.

He was deeply indebted to Saudi Arabia for the assistance he had received at a time when the coffers in Islamabad were empty. The sectarian war that was relocated to Pakistan as a result of this rivalry found the state standing behind the Saudi-mandated madrassa-based, zakat-financed Islamic order. But there was an anti-American element in the military secretariat of General Zia and the central player in it was General Aslam Beg, his vice chief of staff.

In a dossier on Pakistan’s nuclear proliferation released by the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) in 2007, it was found that Dr AQ Khan showed a tendency to proliferate in favour of those states that defied the United States in particular and the West in general. Other sources report a close relationship between Dr Khan and Gen Zia’s then vice chief, Gen Aslam Beg. General Zia had reprimanded Dr Khan for boasting about his enrichment activity in 1984 and 1987. The IISS dossier says that Dr Khan made his first sale of nuclear documents to Iran in 1987 in Dubai and that General Zia was about to be informed about it in 1988. After his death, General Beg as army chief went to Iran and negotiated a deal there on “nuclear cooperation” without informing Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, about which the latter complained publicly.

The case continues to be murky and Mr Ijaz-ul Haq is certainly justified in his plaint that his father’s death was not properly investigated. This was borne out again this year in the book on the Pakistan army, Crossed Swords: Pakistan its Army and Wars within by Shuja Nawaz, a brother of General Asif Nawaz, who writes that the Bahawalpur corps commander commented on Gen Zia’s death in a most suspicious manner after the crash on his watch. *Second Editorial: For and against “safe exit”Most people celebrating the ouster of General (retd) Pervez Musharraf insist that he should be given no “safe exit”, meaning that he should stand trial and be punished, which could even be death under Article 6 of the Constitution. They mourn the fact that no military ruler was ever punished and they want to begin with General (retd) Musharraf.

They say he should be made an “example” so that there will be no military dictator in the future.They also allude to the fact that those who don’t want this to happen want the Taliban terrorists to be dealt with an iron hand, implying an inconsistency in the argument against punishment.Both arguments are plain wrong. The former argument of exacting General (retd) Musharraf’s head is not likely to deter another army takeover in the future because army coup-makers are guided by compulsions and ambitions and situations that are not deterred by personal considerations of safety. Indeed, personal safety rarely matters to soldiers who are trained to risk their life where the nation’s interest in their opinion is concerned. The only thing such blood letting ensures is more blood letting.

Indeed, if there had been a tradition of putting coup-making generals to the sword in Pakistan, then coup-making generals would have struck first and put politicians to the sword instead of arresting them and giving them A class facilities or exiling them to palaces in Saudi Arabia or Dubai or London. In fact, General Zia’s execution of Z A Bhutto still haunts this country just as the execution of a Turkish prime minister by the Turkish military many years ago haunts it.

It should also be recalled that there is much hypocrisy in the demand by the PMLN to lynch President (retd) Musharraf. After all, General Zia-ul Haq was also given indemnity by parliament and his 8th Amendment was supported by politicians like the Sharifs who propped him up in power and didn’t dislike too much what he had done to the country.The second argument is stupid. It can be countered by asking why those who want to punish General (retd) Musharraf remain the biggest sympathisers of the Lal Masjid terrorists and are constantly advocating peace deals and truce with the Taliban who are killing innocent people and security forces with impunity in the tribal areas. In fact this argument of being hard on generals and soft on terrorists is designed to undermine the state and play into the hands of the anti-Pakistan forces. *

Tuesday, August 19, 2008


Musharraf resigns:

What now for Pakistan?
The world's media focus on Washington's 'propping-up' of Musharraf and wonder what will happen now to US-Pakistan relations.

Pervez Musharraf's resignation as president of Pakistan provokes much discussion in today's papers about the volatile country's future in today's newspapers.

The authoritarian leader - who after 9/11 was seen by the west as a key ally in the so-called war on terror - had become a busted flush even to his keenest international supporters as he lost legitimacy at home.
"The US was like a partner that has been cheated on for years and refuses to see the reality," Frederic Grare, a Pakistan specialist at the Carnegie Endowment in Washington, tells the Financial Times.


In its editorial, the New York Times says Washington must provide "more effective and realistic support for Pakistan's fragile democracy" with substantial increases in economic assistance and tighter monitoring of military aid.

For seven years, the Bush administration enabled Mr Musharraf - believing that he was the best ally for the fight against Al Qaeda and the Taliban. He never delivered on that promise. And Pakistan's people deeply resent Washington for propping-up the dictator in Pakistan, the English-speaking newspaper Dawn urges the four-party coalition to address the "most pressing problems" facing the nation.
Determining what the priorities ought to be is not difficult: militancy, the economy and relations with India and Afghanistan need to be addressed urgently. Solutions, however, may prove more elusive. Indeed, the very nature of the problems is such that they may get worse before they get better
The Guardian says the coalition that unseated Musharraf with the plan to impeach him is unlikely to last long, but "if the Pakistan People's party and Nawaz Sharif [the main players in the coalition] cannot be meaningful allies, at least they can learn to be responsible adversaries."

*This is an extract from the Wrap, guardian.co.uk's daily digest of the best of the papers and online media
Afghanistan happy with Musharraf's resignation

The U.S.-backed Afghan government welcomed Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf's resignation Monday, saying he "was not someone good for Afghanistan" and his departure will have a positive effect on the region.
Afghanistan has accused Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence agency of being behind an April assassination attempt on President Hamid Karzai and the July bombing of the Indian Embassy in Kabul, which killed more than 60 people. Karzai's spokesman, Humayun Hamidzada, reiterated a standing Afghan government demand that Pakistan's military intelligence service cease its activities in Afghanistan.

In Pakistan's historic rival India, there were concerns that Musharraf's departure will leave a power vacuum. Officials have recently said they are worried Pakistan's new civilian government does not have enough control over hawkish elements in the Inter-Services Intelligence agency and that Pakistan-based militant groups will have freer rein with Musharraf gone.

Fact box of Musharraf's resignation

Nuclear-armed Pakistan's beleaguered President Pervez Musharraf announced his resignation on Monday in the face of an impending impeachment motion by the ruling coalition government. Musharraf, 65, came to power in a 1999 coup and has anchored Pakistan's alliance with the United States, especially since Pakistan signed up for the U.S.-led campaign against terrorism after the September 11, 2001, attacks.
He promoted an investor-friendly environment and oversaw good growth and surging stocks until this year.


Following are some of the political, economic and diplomatic implications of his resignation.

INTERNAL POLITICS

* Opposition to Musharraf has bonded rival parties in the coalition government. His departure could see them drift apart.
* The Pakistan People's Party of assassinated former prime minister Benazir Bhutto leads the coalition, with former prime minister Nawaz Sharif's Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) its chief partner. The two main civilian parties are old rivals and despite recent cooperation, will compete in the next election.

SECURITY

* The coalition government has vowed full commitment to the campaign against violent militancy. Despite questions over its policy of trying to negotiate with militants, recent operations in the northwest should have reassured Washington and other allies the government will match Musharraf's security efforts.
* The military plays a dominant role in security policy, and its cooperation with the new government has been smooth.

FOREIGN RELATIONS

* The United States, apparently resigned to Musharraf's exit, said Pakistan's leadership was a Pakistani matter. Ties between the new government and Washington are good and should remain so as long as the latter is satisfied the government is doing enough to stop militancy, in particular attacks into Afghanistan.
* India has enjoyed some of its best diplomatic relations with Pakistan in decades under Musharraf. While the new government is committed to the peace process with India, launched under Musharraf in 2004, India's fear is that a weak civilian government in Islamabad will not have the same muscle Musharraf had over the army and the powerful military spy agency, which India suspects has a hand in most attacks on its soil.

ECONOMY

* The government has vowed to turn its attention to economic problems after Musharraf leaves. Inflation is at its highest in years, and trade and fiscal deficits are widening. High oil prices have depleted foreign reserves while the rupee has lost about a quarter of its value this year.
An end to the uncertainty over Musharraf eased investor worries and the main stock index gained more than 4 percent on the resignation announcement. The rupee strengthened slightly against the dollar, snapping five consecutive sessions of record lows.

THE NEXT PRESIDENT

* Who becomes next president could depend on the powers the position retains. Musharraf had authority to dismiss parliament and make top military and judicial appointments. Coalition partners vow to strip the presidency of those powers and make it a largely ceremonial post.
However, analysts say Bhutto's widower, Asif Ali Zardari, might want the job, in which case he will want to keep the powers. Zardari has also suggested the next president might be a woman. Newspapers have speculated an ethnic Pashtun leader, Asfandayr Wali Khan, whose liberal party is part of the coalition, could get the job. The president is elected by the four provincial assemblies and the national parliament.
Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari, Bhutto's son and co-chairman of her Pakistan People's Party, back in Pakistan from studies in Britain to visit his mother's grave, told reporters in Karachi: "I'm sure it will be somebody from the Pakistan People's Party".
Going, Going, Gone......................................




















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Pakistan's Musharraf
announces resignation
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Pakistan's President Pervez Musharraf quit office on Monday to avoid impeachment charges, nearly nine years after the key U.S. ally in its campaign against terrorism took power in a coup.

Speculation the former army chief would resign had mounted since the fractious coalition government, led by the party of assassinated former prime minister Benazir Bhutto, said this month it planned to impeach him.


"Whether I win or lose, the nation will lose," Musharraf, 65, said of the impeachment process in an hour-long televised address in which he passionately defended his record.
"The honour and dignity of the country will be affected and in my view, the honour of the office of president will also be affected."

Prolonged jockeying and uncertainty over Musharraf's position had hurt financial markets in the nuclear-armed country of 165 million people, and raised concerns in Washington and elsewhere that it was distracting from efforts to tackle militancy.

Coalition officials had said earlier Musharraf had sought immunity from prosecution but he said in his speech he was asking for nothing.

"I don't want anything from anybody. I have no interest. I leave my future in the hands of the nation and people," he said.
One of the main coalition parties, that of former prime minister Nawaz Sharif, whom Musharraf ousted in 1999, has been insisting he face trial for treason. Bhutto's party has said parliament should decide.

Musharraf ended his final address as president with the words: "May God protect Pakistan, may God protect you all. Long Live Pakistan forever."
Pakistani stocks jumped 4 percent on the news and the rupee, which had lost a quarter of its value this year, began strengthening.
"It eliminates all the uncertainty in the market," said Asad Iqbal, managing director at Ismail Iqbal Securities.

"The government will hopefully start concentrating on the economy. From an economic point of view, they have no excuses now and they have to perform."
Musharraf has been isolated since his allies lost parliamentary elections in February. But in his speech he defiantly lambasted the coalition for what he described as failed economic policies, and said he had brought prosperity.

The powerful army, which has ruled for more than half the country's 61-year history, has publicly kept out of the controversy over its old boss, and no protests over the Musharraf decision were expected.

Indeed, celebrations broke out across the country after the announcement, with people dancing and handing out sweets.

"Thank God he's resigned. The country will do much better now," said Mohammad Ilyas, 30, in Karachi.

"VICTORY FOR BENAZIR"


The United States, apparently resigned to Musharraf's exit, had said earlier Pakistan's leadership was a Pakistani issue.
Old rival India reacted cautiously, also saying it was an internal Pakistani matter. Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee told reporters: "India will continue to have an amicable relation with Pakistan in the days to come".
While the new Pakistani government is committed to a peace process with India, launched under Musharraf in 2004, India's fear is that a weak civilian government will not have the same muscle Musharraf had over the army and the military spy agency, which India suspects has a hand in most attacks on its soil.
It was not clear who the next president would be. According to the constitution, the chairman of the Senate will become acting president until a new one is elected within 30 days.
Traditionally Pakistan's president has been a figurehead, although under Musharraf the office was much more powerful.
Ruling coalition parties, which had prepared impeachment charges against Musharraf focusing on alleged violations of the constitution, welcomed the resignation.
"It's victory for Benazir Bhutto and all those who sacrificed their lives for democracy," said a senior Bhutto party official.
Bhutto was assassinated on December 27 while campaigning. The government said an al Qaeda-linked militant was responsible.
A career army officer, Musharraf became a close U.S. ally in the war against terror and narrowly survived several al Qaeda-inspired assassination attempts.
Critics say Musharraf suffered from a "saviour complex" and believed he was indispensable. He promised to return Pakistan to democracy, but opponents say he stifled political freedom.
A 2002 general election was widely seen as rigged.
As challenges mounted, Musharraf reverted to autocratic ways. His downfall will be traced back to March 9, 2007, when he tried to force Supreme Court Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry to resign.