Sunday, November 27, 2011


Love him or hate him, you can no longer ignore him. Following the Lahore rally, Imran Khan and his Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf have emerged as a force on the field of Pakistani politics.

But to many he is still a mystery: is he a superstar, a philanthropist, a politician, or all three? Who is he really, and what does he stand for?

Q: Some call you Taliban Khan, and some call you Inqilab Khan. So the first question I want to ask is: will the real Imran Khan please stand up?

Imran Khan (IK): (laughs) … You missed out one thing… I’m also part of the Jewish lobby.

Q: And of course you’re a slave of the US and Europe, according to the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).

IK: And according to PML-N, there is also a Jewish conspiracy going on.

Q: So we need the real Imran to tell us who he is. First, let’s talk about Shah Mahmood Qureshi. After his resignation, he can either go for the Pakistan Muslim League — Nawaz (PML-N) or the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI), and now you’re going to tell us which one it is.

IK: I’m hoping he joins PTI because he fits the profile of what I expect a PTI office bearer to be. He’s honest, a clean politician who is educated and is a bit of an anomaly in this system. He has a vote bank and has a lot of political experience which our party lacks because we’ve got new people. Here is someone who started from the union council level and has been contesting elections for years and so he brings in a lot of experience.

Q: On the point of new people joining the party, one of the statements you made recently is that PTI will not award tickets to corrupt people and opportunists…but can those corrupt people and opportunists still join your party?

IK: If someone is a known crook then they can’t join the party, but there are a lot of shades of grey. This is a society where it is difficult to be honest, and even if you try to be honest, society forces you to be dishonest. For example, I was trying to transfer land from my ex-wife’s name to mine and it took me one year just to have a simple transfer done. I kept asking my lawyer why it’s taking so long and, without telling me, he eventually bribed the patwari because otherwise it would have gone on forever! So to say that we will find angels here is not possible. But we will try and sift through relatively better politicians. For instance, Shah Mahmood Qureshi and Mian Azhar are clear-cut choices.

Q: Why is Mian Azhar a clear-cut option? A lot of people are criticising that decision because Mian Azhar was the head of the PML-Q under Pervez Musharraf and he lost the elections in 2002 so why him?

IK: Because he is honest and nobody has accused him of corruption. If we exclude everyone who has changed parties or is of a slightly different ideology then it will be impossible to get anyone. So we have decided that it is financial corruption we’ll concentrate on, which is the biggest reason why we are in the state we are today. If we can fight corruption in Pakistan then the country becomes viable.

Q: But don’t you see a contradiction there when you have somebody like Mian Azhar who represents the old status quo politics and you say you are representing ‘new’ politics?

IK: It’s not a contradiction and I’ll tell you why. It’s because revolutions are not brought about by political workers. It’s the leadership that comes up with a certain ideology. I remember Fidel Castro saying that he started the Cuban Revolution with 16 people who formed his ideological core. The most invaluable part of the PTI are the core workers and office bearers who have survived 15 years in the wilderness. I mean, we have passed through the most difficult test where everyone wrote us off. So those people who stuck it out were the ideological workers and office bearers. Everyone can join and there are a lot of people joining but the ideology of PTI will be protected by this old guard.

Q: Is the real Imran Khan a risk taker?

IK: Imran Khan was always a risk taker. Everyone said “Minar-e-Pakistan! Oh you’re doomed now” and of course Shahbaz Sharif and Nawaz Sharif had their own rally in quite a small venue, despite full administrative support, so everyone said you’re taking a huge risk with Minar-e-Pakistan. But anyone who has achieved anything in life has always been a risk taker.

Q: So what happened that day on October 30th when you arrived at the venue and saw all those people? What was your instant reaction?
IK: You know I had four interviews before the 30th and in each interview I said that there will be over a hundred thousand people at the rally. When I said that we will sweep the elections, people laughed! And I actually made a bet with Talat Hussain on Kashif Abbasi’s programme saying that we will sweep the elections. He was very cynical about it and then on another programme I gave him in writing that the PTI will sweep the elections. The reason was…and I’ve never said this before…the reason was in the past year I’ve seen the people change. That’s because I’m probably the only politician who was going around holding public rallies because others were too scared. I could see that the youth had suddenly woken up and decided that there was only one party that stood for the change they wanted. So each rally was larger than the last. So when it came to the Lahore rally, I felt it would be a big success and I was very relaxed. My party workers were worried but I was relaxed about it.

Q: When I first interviewed you in Lahore in 1997, the PTI was quite new. It was your first time in politics and I remember quite clearly at that time you had said corruption is the most serious problem affecting this country and that all corrupt people should be hanged. There was a certain naivety that you had at that time. The Imran Khan sitting in front of me here today…how has he changed?

IK: This is a country where thousands of children die from waterborne diseases, where over 1,600 people have committed suicide because they can’t feed their families and here are these criminals siphoning off billions of dollars. My instinct is against capital punishment, but these people are taking lives and I do believe that to stop the plunder of this country, for a while there should be capital punishment above a certain level of corruption. I was in China recently and they had a huge problem with corruption but then 150 state ministers were imprisoned and some were even executed and the problem has been largely controlled.

As for the other question, yes I was completely naive! I’d approach politicians with all sincerity and say ‘you should join me because we want to change this country’ and now when I look back I realise they must have thought what an idiot I was! Because I was being sincere and thought they’d all join me just because of that. But now of course, they’re all joining but they don’t join simply because you are sincere.

Q: Then why do they join?
IK: They join because they have invested a lot in their constituencies. Some of them will join because they are total opportunists and think you are going to win. Others (I think) want to join you but feel you’re not viable. They feel they’ve done a lot of work and built a vote bank and don’t want to join someone who is sincere but unviable.

Q: You say corruption causes billions of dollars in losses and that you want to bring back the money and assets that are in the Swiss banks. How are you going to do this? What is your game plan?

IK: Firstly it is important to know that only a government that is clean can bring that money back. I don’t know if you saw Rehman Malik’s comment after Shahbaz Sharif’s rally on the 28th where Shahbaz said “We’ll bring back the Swiss money,” so Rehman Malik the next day said, “the Sharifs better be careful because we know where all their foreign assets are and we know all the corruption cases against them so they better not cross this line.” In other words they are saying, “let’s keep sparring but let’s not cross a certain point” because they know that once an accountability process starts, both of them will be affected. So you need a clean government to do this. Secondly, the world has changed. Once you start corruption proceedings against anyone with foreign assets, as with (former Tunisian president) Zine Abedin Ben Ali, (former Egyptian president) Hosni Mubarak and Qaddafi, all their foreign assets are immediately frozen. We are no longer in the old days where you could hide your money in Swiss banks. Now there is a money trail, so if a government has the will and there are people who cannot explain their assets, it can get this done. That’s why our main campaign is to have politicians declare their assets.

Q: But all these politicians declare their assets before the Election Commission. You don’t consider that viable?

IK: It is so obvious that they have concealed their real assets. That is why someone as rich as Nawaz Sharif will only pay Rs5,000 in tax. Then there’s me, a politician who was a professional cricketer for 18 years and I earned most of my money abroad. And all my money is in Pakistan and declared in my name. So how is it that these people, who only earned or plundered money from Pakistan, have assets abroad? They even sent the money abroad through hawala and other channels and laundered it. That’s why we insist that politicians must declare their assets.

Q: Do you seriously think they will?

IK: We have now set up a cell to bring out the real assets. So we will see what they have concealed even if they want to hide it.

Q: Leader of the opposition Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan of the PML-N says if you have proof you should go to the courts.

IK: We might do that, but the problem is that it is the duty of the state to stop corrupt people. Instead here is a state which protects criminals. Here the judgments of the Supreme Court are ignored by all. When the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) was annulled, why did the PML-N not do anything in the assemblies? Why did they sit around? If they are a genuine opposition, they should have stood up. But the problem is that the PML-N leadership has a number of corruption cases against it so it’s a “you scratch my back I scratch yours” situation. It became the friendliest opposition which is why now you’re seeing them panicking and going for a “Go Zardari Go” campaign because they have suddenly realised that the PTI has now taken over as the main opposition and they are trying to reoccupy that space which they have lost.

Q: Why is the PTI opening up multiple fronts simultaneously? With the PML-N, the PPP and the MQM. The only people you haven’t attacked yet are the ANP and I suspect that is not too far in the list at this point.

IK: We are not attacking parties, but the status quo as represented by the PML-N and the PPP. In sports we learn that you have to know your enemy and then go for them. Who is destroying this country? It’s the two main parties and their interests are the same. They have been in this coalition for almost all the time since 2008 and now they are trying to pretend they are actually in opposition with each other because they are threatened by us. Threatened by the tsunami that is coming. When they attack each other, it’s like watching a fixed match!

Q: You have always strongly opposed drone strikes in Pakistan’s tribal areas. You have declared the war on terror an American war and vowed to hang all those responsible for the deaths of the over 35,000 people killed in terror attacks as well as drone strikes. This will probably confuse a lot of people. Who exactly do you hold responsible?

IK: First, let me make it clear that I never used the word hang. I said we would bring them to justice. The reason is this country has had 35,000 to 40,000 people dead and more are dying every day. Zardari says the country has lost $70 billion, which means the people have lost this money. The government has got $20 billion, but we don’t know where it went because the people are getting poorer and there are three and a half million people who have been displaced and the entire tribal belt has been devastated. People have been devastated; you cannot imagine the way they are living because no one is allowed to go in there and see. Life is hell for them. So, why did we get into this? We were not involved in 9/11, no Pakistani was involved. Al Qaeda was in Afghanistan, there were no militant Taliban in Pakistan and in any case the Taliban were not terrorists, but fundamentalists. We went in for dollars. Our ruling elite have always sold us for dollars. Some 20 years ago we were in this for dollars again, acting as a frontline state. We were creating jihadis for dollars then and now we are taking dollars to kill the same people. After 9/11 we should have helped the US, just as we should help any country suffering from terrorism, but not like this. We have created terrorists at home.

Q: What kind of help would you have offered?
IK: If there was any information about the plot, about the plotters, then we should have provided it to them. But help doesn’t mean that we should have handed over our civilians for bounty and have them end up in Guantanamo. We did a U-turn, we turned people who were our allies into our enemies. The Afghan Taliban government, as far as I am concerned, was a pro-Pakistan government.

Q: The Taliban government in Afghanistan was a pro-Pakistan government?

IK: They were not giving us any problems and Pakistan had recognised them. Now if the US had an issue with them, we should have stayed neutral. Why did we have to get into this mess? The reason we are in these top ten failed states lists is because the ruling elite has sold us for dollars.

Q: Let’s get specific. You say that there are one million armed people in the tribal areas who, if the drone attacks stopped, would happily remove terrorists living in their areas. Isn’t that a little unrealistic? We know that these people have been taking money [from militants], we know that they have been supporting militancy in many ways. The general perception is that withdrawing the Pakistani army from the tribal areas would allow militants to regroup.

IK: The general perception is there because of total ignorance, people have absolutely no idea about the tribal areas. The politicians don’t know about it, and no one knows the history of the tribal areas. When the great Quaid-e-Azam withdrew the Pakistani army from the tribal areas in 1948, the politicians said, “Don’t withdraw the Pakistani army, we will have problems.” What happened? We never had one problem in the tribal areas ever since we withdrew the army although we deprived [the tribals], we never helped them, never spent any money on them. We kept them backwards but still there was never any problem for Pakistan. If anything, they helped us and were always ready to help Pakistan. The number one question is: why was the whole tribal belt not on fire before? Do you know that we started military operations in early 2004 and it took three years of collateral damage to produce what are called the Pakistan Taliban. This was a reaction to the military operations.

Q: So what is your counter-narrative?

IK: There is only one way to understand, we have to get people on board who know the area. There are generals and diplomats, like Rustam Shah Mohmand, people who know the tribal area. Ask them what the answer is. The politicians have completely sublet the whole war to the army, and which civilian government allows the army to run a war? If I was prime minister, would I allow the army to make all the decisions? No. I am a politician and politicians look for political solutions, not military solutions. Especially if those solutions have failed for seven years. What have we achieved in seven years? What has the US achieved in 10 years in Afghanistan? Nothing. If anything, radicalisation in Pakistan has grown. So we have actually made the situation much worse. So if you speak to anyone who has any understanding of the tribal areas, there is only one solution: win the people of the tribal areas to your side, start truth and reconciliation, say that we are no longer a part of this American war on terror. They consider the Pakistan army to be fighting on behalf of the Americans as a mercenary army.

Q: I want to throw one word into the equation: Swat.

IK: Please understand that Swat has nothing to do with the tribal areas. Swat was a mess we created and it could have been solved in a month. Swat is a totally different thing and unfortunately people did not understand the difference between Swat and the tribal areas and they confused the solutions of the two. The solution to the tribal areas is to get out of the US war, pull out the Pakistani army and tell the people of the tribal area, after truth and reconciliation, that it is your job to finish terrorism.

Q: Let me present an argument here.

IK: Let me give the solution here. If you empower the people of the tribal areas, get the Pakistan army out and no longer be considered a hired gun of the US, I promise you we will win this war. Otherwise, this is a never-ending war. For eighty years, the British never had peace in the tribal areas. They were a superpower. We are a country which is bankrupt. For 62 years, the Mughal Empire, which was a global superpower, fought against the tribals and eventually there was a political settlement. There is only a political settlement, and the PPP, the most incompetent and corrupt government in our history, is not going to be able to do anything. We are committing suicide. In the All Party Conference on Sept 29th, there were 50 parties and they all finally came down to what our stance has consistently been, that there is no military solution. All of them accepted that there was only one solution and that was to give peace a chance.

Q: What would you say to American policymakers who are convinced that the Haqqani network operates out of safe havens in the tribal areas? In the regional endgame when it comes to Afghanistan, what is your solution?

IK: I would tell the American policymakers: for God’s sake don’t listen to your generals. You need a political settlement, you don’t need more troops, you don’t need a surge. The surge has failed in Afghanistan. And I would ask the American politicians , is it plausible that five or six thousand Haqqani men, these fighters, these Rambos, are the reason one hundred and forty thousand soldiers of the greatest military machine in history are facing defeat? The Americans are fighting an entire population and they’ll never win the war because they don’t understand Afghan history. Read the Russian accounts; they killed a million Afghans out of a population of 60 million. They said that eventually they were fighting women, and children. The whole population was fighting.

Q: So here we come back to the same question, is Imran Khan a conservative, a fundamentalist or a liberal?

IK: You know, people pigeonhole people a lot. The only reason I wrote my book was because I was sick of the question: Are you a liberal? A fundamentalist? A radical? What are you? I wrote this book for the young people of Pakistan because there is so much confusion here. What is Islam? What is religion? What is secularism? So to try and answer all these questions, I thought I better put all of this down in a book and try to make people understand what religion is and what spirituality is. In fact, my conclusion is that the threat to the world is not from religion because all the great religions of the world talk about humanity, justice, and the noble values of human beings. It is naked materialism we should be scared of because it’s going to destroy the globe. It’s this lust for more and more and this unfettered greed. It is this extreme form of capitalism that’s the danger.

Q: But the underpinning of modern civilisation is capitalism.
IK: But if we keep consuming at the rate we are, we are doomed. Imagine if China starts consuming, per capita, at the same rate as the US. It’ll all be over! The real issue is consumption and greed — attacking countries because you want to capture their resources, as has been done throughout history, that’s the real issue. Religion is not the issue. A true religion should make us all humane.

Q: Among many circles, the biggest fear is that Imran Khan will come to power and his coalition partner is going to be the Jamaat-e-Islami.

IK: I don’t know about the Jamaat-e-Islami, you should ask them about their agenda. But my agenda is clear, it is the agenda of Jinnah, and that of my ideological role model Iqbal. As for religion, it is a way of life, a way of being. It is religion which brings out the best in a human being. The only reason I am a politician is because my religion tells me that I have a responsibility to my society. Otherwise, I have everything I want in my life. I don’t need anything. But it’s religion which tells you that the more God gives you, the more responsibility you have towards less privileged human beings. And this is really why it is important to promote religious values and spiritual values as opposed to the materialistic culture which is unfortunately imbibed by our upper classes. This culture of “me” and “I” can only be countered by spirituality.

Q: One of the statements you recently made was that the ISI should be under civilian control. Are you advocating that the country’s military intelligence agencies should be brought under a civilian ministry?

IK: What I am saying is that the military should stay within its constitutional role. In a democratic government, it’s the civilian government that takes responsibility and has authority. No management structure can work if you divide it up so that someone else has the authority and someone else the responsibility. It doesn’t work. In the case of Prime Minister Gilani, he has the responsibility but President Zardari has the authority. It doesn’t work.

Q: Now another crucial question. In your rally you said you want to eradicate thana culture, the police structure in this country, and the patwaris. But here is the critical point: politics in Pakistan is very strongly based on biradaris and dharras, clans and community structures that are centuries old. How can you be okay with biradaris and say that that is part of the political process and at the same time be uprooting institutions that are also a part of the same structure?
IK: Well. First of all, if you want to bring about a change in Pakistan, the fundamental change you have to make is to empower your people. You empower your people by having a strong local government system. Western societies give freedom to their people not through a centralised system but through a devolved structure of empowering the people at the grass roots level. Now, before the British came here, under the Mughals and even before that, the village was actually empowered. The village was a self -contained unit. In fact, if you go to the tribal areas today, you will find that the village has its own jury system, it has its own parliament. It’s actually autonomous.

Q: A lot of us believe that it is a parallel judicial structure and you can’t have jirgas meting out their own brand of justice.
IK: In the tribal areas, this is not a parallel structure, it is the only structure. There is only one structure, where every village has its own jury system and it has worked very well for them, which is why they don’t want to become part of Pakistan. In Swat, one of the reasons why they started the Nifaz-e-Shariat movement is because the imposed system did not work. When Swat became part of Pakistan in 1974, Pakistani laws came in and their whole devolved structure of free justice at the village level disappeared. Suddenly they had to hire lawyers and pay fees and still had no guarantee of justice. So the poorer classes all joined this movement to bring their system back. You have to empower people at the grassroots level, in other words at the village level.

Q: But that is the level where these biradaris, powerful clans and feudals continue to dominate the lives of the people.
IK: These braderies existed before the British came but at the village level, people were empowered. Remember that it’s impossible to have a false witness at the village level. In fact, Mirza Ghalib wrote in 1860 that the first time the British introduced sessions courts was the first time [the people] started hearing of false witnesses. Sixty per cent of the issues that clog the rural courts are land issues and they should be resolved at the village level. The schools should be under the village committee, and the same goes for the local health services.

Q: Do you support biradari politics?

IK: How are you going to destroy it?

Q: How are you going to destroy thana culture?

IK: They are not linked. Thana culture is feudal and perpetuates the feudal system. The first thing a politician does when he comes into office is he gets his own thanedar and patwari in place. This is because he wants to control the thana, he wants to control the patwari and therefore he enslaves the people. What I am talking about is empowering the people through local government. One of the greatest Pakistanis was Akhtar Hameed Khan and in the Orangi Pilot Project, he proved to people that the moment you empower the people, the people can lift their own standard of living. They can look after themselves.

Q: And the problem that many people feel that the PTI is going to be mired in the politics of clans and of all of these old structures that exist. Do you think that the PTI can break free of these feudal structures as well as these biradaris?

IK: Look Quatrina, I won the election in one of the most difficult rural areas. I understand about biradari systems. The moment you destroy the oppression in the thana, you will liberate the people. How does a feudal operate? The way the feudal operates is by controlling the thana. If you liberate the people from the thana, you give them justice at the village level, which is the most important thing. That is how you will liberate the people. I went to China and understood how the Chinese got four hundred million people out of poverty in twenty years. There were some interesting ideas that came out, and one of them was how to help the small farmer. If you want to help the small farmer, you must liberate him from the thana and the patwari system.

Q: How?
IK: We have to have e-government. We have a plan through which we can implement a whole system in 90 days and bring in e-government which can not only eliminate corruption but also help people.

Q: That’s for when and if you get into government, what’s your political plan right now?

IK: We are going to have a rally in Karachi on the 25th of December. The whole objective of the rally is reconciliation. We want to bring everyone together, especially the Urdu-speaking community and the Pashtuns. We are probably the only party that can get these two ethnic groups together and not engage in the divisive politics which certain people and parties exploit. They make people fight each other and get votes and power through discord and bloodshed. Our idea is to bring about a grand reconciliation.

Q: Nawaz Sharif has now officially gone on the warpath against the government. Will you ally yourself with Nawaz Sharif for your mutual goal of removing the current administration?

IK: I think after 30 years of seeing power, it is time for Nawaz Sharif to think of retirement. Thirty years is a long time.

This interview has been adapted from the televised interview of Imran Khan by Quatrina Hosain on Witness with Quatrina, which aired on 14th November 2011

Published in The Express Tribune, Sunday Magazine, November 24th, 2011.

Nato fighters killed 25 Pakistani military personnel in blistering air strikes on two Pakistani positions in Mohmand Agency in the small hours of Saturday. An army major and a captain were among the dead. Islamabad reacted swiftly, closing the Torkham and Chaman border points to trucks carrying supplies for the Nato-led western forces in Afghanistan.

Western news agencies put the death toll at 28.

“We are investigating the incident,” a spokesman for the Army said, adding that the attack was unprovoked. “Troops responded immediately in self-defence to the Nato/Isaf aggression with all available weapons,” the Inter-Services Public

Relations (ISPR) said in a statement.

(Reuters news agency quoted a spokesman in Kabul as confirming that Nato aircraft had been called in to support troops during an incident near the border with Pakistan, and its forces were “highly likely” responsible for deaths of Pakistani soldiers.

“Close air support was called in, in the development of the tactical situation, and it is what highly likely caused the Pakistan casualties,” said Brigadier General Carsten Jacobson.

Almost a similar attack in June 2008 had left 11 personnel of the Frontier Corps dead, prompting the government to suspend Nato supplies for a few days. The Nato-led Isaf and the Pakistan Army had conducted a joint investigation into the incident, but its findings remained unknown.


The Festering Wound: U.S. Air Strike Kills At Least 25 Pakistani Troops
There is no well-defined border between Afghanistan and Pakistan, and – all too often amid the fog of war and firefights – there is no well-defined difference between the Pakistani military and anti-American insurgents crowded along that rugged frontier. That's apparently why a U.S. air attack early Saturday killed at least 25 Pakistani troops whom the American forces mistook for Taliban militants.

It marked the latest – and most deadly – downturn in the worsening U.S.-Pakistan relationship. The decline began in May, when the U.S. killed Osama bin Laden in the heart of Pakistan without letting Pakistan know beforehand. It fell further this past week when Husain Haqqani, Islamabad's ambassador to Washington, resigned. He had been linked to a missive seeking help from the U.S. military to thwart a possible coup in Pakistan led by officers infuriated by the bin Laden raid (Haqanni has denied any complicity).

This is the chronic and oozing pus-filled wound of the U.S. war in Afghanistan.

Despite tribal loyalties that go back a thousand years, the West sees the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan as a nearly-neat frontier, capable of being policed, more or less. But the Pashtun people who fuel the Taliban have ignored that border for centuries, and will continue to do so. That seems to create a challenge well beyond the ability of the U.S., NATO, or any outside power, to surmount.

The Taliban know they can hit targets before running back to sanctuaries. It's a technique that cuts down on their chances of being attacked, and boosts the possibility that well-armed U.S. or Pakistani forces will attack one another in mistaken retaliation. To complicate matters further, Afghan Taliban find sanctuary in their home country before bolting across the border to strike Pakistani troops; Pakistani Taliban – a separate group -- reverse the process in their attacks on U.S. and Afghan forces. "We want a very clear message to the insurgents on both sides of the border that we are going to fight you and we are going to seek you in your safe havens, whether you're on the Afghan side or the Pakistani side," Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said in Kabul last month. "They must be dealt with."

Reports from the region said Saturday's 2 a.m. attack apparently came from both helicopters and fixed-wing aircraft. It took place at two Pakistani army checkpoints near the village of Salala, along the country's northwest border with Afghanistan's Kunar province. About 40 Pakistani troops were based at the posts, which the Pakistani military had recently set up to keep the Afghan-based Taliban in Afghanistan.

The attack marks the most lethal U.S. strike on Pakistani forces since the U.S. invaded Afghanistan a decade ago. Until Saturday, the most deadly strike happened in June 2008, when 11 Pakistani paramilitary troops were killed after the U.S. mistook them for Taliban fighters (of course, early reports often end up with key elements missing or mistaken, so confirmation remains vital before trying to figure out what went wrong).

The Haqanni network (unrelated to Pakistan's recently-departed ambassador) is perhaps the Taliban's most fierce fighting force. It has regularly lobbed mortar and rocket fire at U.S. troops in Afghanistan from safe havens in Pakistan. The Pentagon's congressional-mandated semi-annual report on progress in Afghanistan noted the continuing problem last month. "The security situation in Regional Command East…remains tenuous," it said. "Cross-border incidents have risen during the reporting period as a result of the sanctuary and support that the insurgency receives from Pakistan."

Yet, a top Pentagon officer said Tuesday that things are actually improving:

…about the cross-border fires, that has actually tapered somewhat in the past several weeks. And in fact we've had some very good cases in the last three weeks of the Pak-mil coordinating with us to respond against those cross-border fires. And that coordination occurs with every event that happens. I'd say in the last three weeks we're probably averaging three to four cross-border firing incidents a week. Not all of those are confirmed to come from Haqqani network operators, but the majority do come from the area from which they normally operate.
…Army Major General Daniel Allyn, the top U.S. commander in eastern Afghanistan, told reporters two days before Thanksgiving.

U.S. Marine Gen. John Allen, commander of U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan, said the apparently mistaken strike "has my highest personal attention and my commitment to thoroughly investigate it to determine the facts." In a statement, the Pakistani foreign ministry said the attack represented “a serious transgression of oft-conveyed red lines, and could have serious repercussions” for Pakistan's continued cooperation with U.S. forces in Afghanistan.

In protest, Pakistan ordered the CIA to stop flying militant-killing drone flights from Shamsi air base, in the northern part of the country. It also shut down the two major overland supply routes from Pakistan to Afghanistan, at Torkham along the Khyber Pass in the country's north, and at Chaman in the south. They're key arteries for fuel, food and other supplies flowing into Afghanistan for U.S. troops.

Think of it as the Torkham tourniquet, which has been regularly applied to this festering wound along the 1,640-mile (2,640-km) Durand Line that defines the Af-Pak frontier. Islamabad has done this before, and will likely do it again, after it lifts its shutdown order in a few days. It's a practice ill-suited to a festering wound, but one that makes the patient feel better, even as it does nothing to improve long-term chances of survival.





 
A U.S.-Pakistan Reset

A charismatic envoy's sudden downfall is the chance for Washington to move from engagement with Islamabad to containment.
 
It's not every day that an ambassador's departure from office makes international headlines. But then Husain Haqqani, who resigned Tuesday after serving for more than three years as Pakistan's envoy to Washington, was no garden-variety diplomat. He managed to be unapologetically pro-American, while representing one of the most anti-American places in the world.
 
The extraordinary circumstances of Mr. Haqqani's departure reveal much about Pakistan's precarious politics. He was forced to step down, reportedly under pressure from the country's notorious intelligence agencies, amid unconfirmed allegations that he secretly sought U.S. assistance to weaken the grip of the military. His exit should make clear that Pakistan's generals have no intention of accepting the democratic principle of civilian supremacy. In turn, that should compel American policy makers to reset their relationship with Pakistan into something more limited, transactional and realistic than before.

For now, the focus is on Mr. Haqqani and the dramatic revelations leading up to his resignation. Last month, an op-ed in the Financial Times by Mansoor Ijaz, a Pakistani-American businessman, hinted at the ambassador's involvement in a backchannel effort to rein in the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency right after the U.S. raid in May that killed Osama bin Laden. A few weeks later, Pakistani Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani asked for his resignation pending an official inquiry into the scandal.

Mr. Haqqani denies any involvement in the alleged plot. But Mr. Ijaz, who has a reputation for grandstanding about his diplomatic derring-do, has released Blackberry chat transcripts with the ambassador that seem to show Mr. Haqqani was one of the authors of the memorandum at the heart of this scandal.

In a nutshell, the memo, delivered on May 10 to Adm. Mike Mullen—then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Obama administration's point person for contact with Pakistan Army Chief Gen. Ashfaq Kayani—offered to curtail Pakistan's sponsorship of terrorism and bring more transparency to its runaway nuclear program. In return, it sought U.S. assistance in warding off an alleged coup attempt by an army made skittish by the U.S. raid on bin Laden's compound in the garrison town of Abbottabad, 40 miles outside Islamabad. Despite the absence of firm evidence linking Mr. Haqqani to the alleged plot, and Adm. Mullen's denial that he paid it any heed, the memo's publication last week seems to have convinced many Pakistanis that Mr. Haqqani is a traitor.

For Pakistan, Mr. Haqqani's departure is bad news. That the army was able to claim his head despite his public profession of innocence, and before a formal inquiry could prove the charges against him, highlights the disproportionate power unelected generals wield over their ostensible civilian masters. The shrill public trial conducted by the Pakistani media show how public space for reasoned debate in the country continues to shrink and how easy it is to drum up anti-Americanism.

With Mr. Haqqani gone, there is one fewer civilian official in Pakistan resisting the military and maintaining some semblance of Islamabad's friendship with Washington. A professed fan of Thomas Jefferson and the Boston Red Sox, he steadied the hand of bilateral relations at a turbulent time for both nations. Mr. Haqqani has been a voice of reason at home too: His 2005 book "Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military" is the definitive account of how the army has flamed the fans of jihadism to retain power and influence.

On a more practical level, his departure means that Pakistan—including its military—loses a diplomat widely lauded for his work ethic, impressive rolodex, and mastery of policy detail. His successor, Sherry Rehman, while a well-regarded liberal lawmaker, lacks her predecessor's political clout and intellectual heft.

Ironically, the worst effects will be felt by Pakistan's army and its powerful spy wing, the ISI—even though they may not realize it yet. The treatment the ISI reportedly meted out to Mr. Haqqani shows how the military remains unreformed. This will surely open the door to tougher U.S. action against both institutions should they fail to quell long-standing support for radical Islamist terrorist groups such as the Afghan Taliban.

For the U.S., then, the end of the Haqqani era in U.S.-Pakistan ties is an opportunity to transition from cautious optimism to hard-bitten realism. Arguably, the process was already well under way. In January, the two countries clashed over what Washington saw as Islamabad's failure to honor the diplomatic immunity of Raymond Davis—an alleged CIA subcontractor who shot two Pakistanis dead in Lahore, supposedly in self-defense during a botched robbery. In May came Abbottabad and its implications of Pakistani complicity in hiding the world's most wanted terrorist. Since then, stepped-up attacks on NATO forces in Afghanistan by Pakistan-based militants have further soured the relationship.

The best American response to Pakistan's double game of fighting some terrorists while helping others is to move from a strategy of engagement to one of containment. This would place less emphasis on carrots such as aid and advanced equipment. Neither Washington's promise of an enhanced security partnership nor upward of $20 billion in aid over the past decade have worked. Grand initiatives like granting the country non-NATO ally status haven't reduced anti-American sentiment in the country.

Instead, the U.S. should rely more on sticks such as targeted sanctions against military officers involved in aiding America's enemies and more unilateral Abbottabad-style raids against high-value targets. Al Qaeda's Ayman al-Zawahiri and the Taliban's Mullah Omar are believed to live in Pakistan. While containing the recalcitrant military and pro-jihadi elements, Washington will have to aid and engage with civil society to strengthen Pakistan's fledgling democracy. Military aid should focus on educating officers about democracy and civilian rule.

Home to 180 million people, a fast-growing nuclear weapons program, and a plethora of jihadist groups, Pakistan is simply too important for the U.S. to ignore. The U.S. does nobody—least of all ordinary Pakistanis—a favor by refusing to nudge the Pakistani army toward reform. As Mr. Haqqani's experience shows, unchecked, the generals in Rawalpindi will continue to encroach on both U.S. interests in the region and Pakistan's fragile democracy.
Mr. Dhume is a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington, and a columnist for WSJ.com. Follow him on Twitter @dhume01.
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President snubs Rabbani over Haqqani

A tense exchange of words reportedly took place between President Zardari and Senator Raza Rabbani over former Pakistani ambassador to the US, Hussain Haqqani, in the hours-long meeting of the PPP core committee held late on Friday night.

The president spoke for almost 45 minutes with most of the meeting’s time consumed by the Husain Haqqani sacking saga. According to one of the participants, the president was “literally forcing” the agenda of the party, throwing his full weight behind the sacked ambassador while describing the entire memogate affair as “a conspiracy against the government, hatched outside Pakistan to create a rift between the civil and military leadership.” And it was on this count that the ever blunt veteran PPP stalwart, Raza Rabbani, refused to blindly follow the stated logic and throw his unconditional support behind Mr. Haqqani.

Sources said a visibly irritated president chided the ‘stubborn’ Rabbani, also the Chairman Parliamentary Committee on National Security, for not lending the required support to Haqqani and for his tendency to go his own way all the time. The President was insistent that Rabbani follow the rest of the pack since Haqqani had always “stood by the party in difficult times.” Sources told The News that an unconvinced Rabbani retorted that he always preferred making up his own mind over issues and that the Haqqani affair was no different. Upon hearing Rabbani’s independent thinking mantra, the president reportedly snapped, “I agree to disagree with you,” and put an end to the uneasy exchange.

Sources said President Zardari consumed the bulk of the meeting’s time by speaking about the memogate scandal and was of the view that while Husain Haqqani had been the focus, the real target had actually been the government.

Sources said the president also narrated his jail days and one of the participants of the meeting remarked that “it seemed that the days spent by the president in jail have forever stuck in his mind.” Sources said while praising Husain Haqqani, the president recalled that during her second term in office, he had advised Benazir Bhutto to allocate a party ticket to Husain Haqqani but she instead chose Shafqat Mehmood. However, when the government was overthrown, Shafqat Mehmood sided with Farooq Leghari while Husain Haqqani stood with the party. “Husain Haqqani was earning more money giving lectures in an American university but when he was asked to become ambassador in the United States he left the lucrative job to serve the country,” sources quoted the president as saying.

The president, according to the sources, told the committee that it was time to stand with Husain Haqqani rather than being impressed with the propaganda against him.

Some members of the committee advocated the establishment of a parliamentary body to “probe this controversy so that the foreign connection may be exposed.”

According to the sources, the government remained undecided about the mode of inquiry on the memogate scandal while two options were discussed in greater detail: handing over the issue to the Parliamentary Committee on National Security or having a top level enquiry conducted by the Foreign Office itself. For the time being, however, sources say the government has decided to wait for the report of the Parliamentary Committee on National Security before delegating an investigative probe into the matter to any particular agency or department.

The Parliamentary Committee on National Security will hold its meeting on this issue after Ashura in Muharram. The committee shall be briefed by the secretaries of defence and foreign affairs. Meanwhile, a majority of the core committee members were of the view that any Foreign Office enquiry would be tantamount to an eyewash and would be rejected by the opposition and the media.




Thursday, November 24, 2011

Pakistan’s “memogate”

As you were

Pakistan is forced to find a new ambassador to Washington
 
OFTEN during Pakistan’s turbulent history has the army’s 111th Brigade swept out of its headquarters in Rawalpindi, scooted to Islamabad 20 minutes away, and effortlessly taken over the government. These days, under General Ashfaq Kayani, the soldiers know it is wiser to rule from behind the scenes, with a weak civilian government taking the blame for the country’s problems. On November 22nd the army heaped humiliation on the government, pressing it to jettison Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States, Husain Haqqani, a smooth operator, over allegations that he crafted an offer to rein in the Pakistani army and its spy agency in return for American help in averting a feared coup.
 
The offer to the American administration was made in an unsigned memo, which Mr Haqqani denies writing. It was sent to America’s military high command in May, during a time when relations were febrile following the killing in Pakistan by American special forces of Osama bin Laden. The memo’s existence was revealed only in October, by the controversial American businessman of Pakistani origin who delivered it. It was supposedly composed on the instructions of Mr Haqqani acting on behalf of President Asif Zardari. The incendiary document proposed that government would dismantle the wing of the army’s Inter-Services Intelligence responsible for dealing with the Taliban, in return for American support.
 
Though the bin Laden raid was a huge embarrassment to the army, the “memogate” scandal showed again that real power in Pakistan still lies with the soldiers. No evidence pins the memo to Mr Zardari. Its recipient, Admiral Mike Mullen, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, says he did not take it seriously. The army and the friendly television stations it whipped up forced Mr Haqqani’s exit before an investigation into the matter had even begun.
 
Mr Haqqani had once written a book detailing the links between the army and jihadists. In America his connections ensured a direct line to top decision-makers. The armed forces had never liked having the country’s most important relationship entrusted to him.

The government has saved a little face by appointing Sherry Rehman to succeed Mr Haqqani as ambassador in Washington. She is a rare politician of substance in the ruling Pakistan Peoples Party. She has a record as a campaigner for human rights. And she supports the government’s welcome attempts to improve ties with India, the army’s eternal enemy. Yet the soldiers do not seem to mind her. She argues for more American understanding of army views that, she says, are shaped more by fears about a dangerous region than by self-serving ambition. The 111th can stand easy for now.



Wednesday, November 23, 2011


Profile: Pakistan's new US envoy Sherry Rehman


The new Pakistani ambassador to the US, Sherry Rehman, is one of Pakistan's most prominent liberal politicians, whose support for a repeal of the country's blasphemy laws and womens' empowerment has in recent months led her to fear for her life.
She has much in common with her former boss Benazir Bhutto - assassinated in 2008 - both glamorous, independently wealthy and supporters of minority causes in one of the most conservative countries in the world.
Born in Karachi in 1960 to a prominent Sindhi family - her father was a lawyer and her mother was the first female vice president of the State Bank of Pakistan - she was educated at the University of Sussex.
Ms Rehman began her career as a journalist, writing for national and international newspapers for 20 years.
She was editor-in-chief of Pakistan's leading news magazine, The Herald, and anchored a television current affairs in 1999.
A lifelong member of the Pakistan People's Party, she was elected to the Pakistani parliament in 2002 under a reserved seats scheme for women. Six years later she was appointed national minister for information and broadcasting - sworn into her position by President Musharraf.
In parliament Ms Rehman highlighted human rights issues and played a major role in passing key legislation relating to women's rights.
She also campaigned against so-called "honour killings", domestic violence and for media freedom. Around this time she worked closely with Ms Bhutto.
Ms Rehman resigned as information minister in March 2009, accusing the the government of dragging its feet over restoring an independent judiciary. She departed after failing to convince the president to lift a transmission ban on the Geo television channel.
After her resignation Ms Rehman worked for the Pakistan Red Crescent Society and the Jinnah Institute, a non-partisan think-tank reported to be ideologically close to the army. Her predecessor as ambassador to the US, Husain Haqqani, was widely distrusted by the military.
Her career on the backbenches effectively came to an end in late 2010, when she provoked the wrath of hardline Islamists and religious groups by submitting a private member's bill seeking to abolish the death penalty for blasphemy after a Christian mother was sentenced to death.
For a time, she was confined to her home in Karachi with concerns over her safety mounting when her fellow campaigner, PPP politician Salman Taseer, was murdered by his bodyguard in January.
That concern was heightened when two months later, Pakistan's Minorities Minister Shahbaz Bhatti was also killed in Islamabad.
Analysts say that her appointment as US ambassador is a face-saving formula which removes Ms Rehman from the dangers threatening her in Pakistan while at the same time putting in place a representative who is far less threatening to the military.
Ms Rehman is married to banker Nadeem Hussain.
Sherry Rehman, liberal lawmaker,
is Pakistan’s new U.S. envoy

Pakistan named a liberal female lawmaker as its new ambassador to the United States on Wednesday, swiftly filling a crucial diplomatic vacancy created amid a scandal that highlighted civil-military tensions.
The appointment of Sherry Rehman, a prominent former journalist known for her human rights work, surprised observers who expected a choice with a more obvious stamp of approval from the powerful military.

Rehman is a member of the ruling Pakistan People’s Party who was close to the late prime minister Benazir Bhutto, and she is one of Pakistan’s few loud voices against intolerance and the nation’s anti-blasphemy laws


Rehman will replace Husain Haqqani, who resigned Tuesday night after allegations he devised a confidential memo that asked Washington to reign in Pakistan’s military and promised reforms that would please the United States.

The memo was written following the U.S. raid on a Pakistani compound that killed Osama bin Laden, and dealt a deep blow to the already shaky trust between Washington and Islamabad.

Haqqani denied involvement in the memo but said he would step down to help calm a swelling scandal that was imperiling the civilian government and deepening Pakistan’s civil-military divide.

The ambassadorial post is crucial to Pakistan and the United States, mutually suspicious allies whose relationship has nosedived this year.

The United States has given billions of dollars in civilian and military aid to Pakistan, whose cooperation is key to the war in Afghanistan. But Uncle Sam is viewed as a mercurial bully in Pakistan, particularly by the military, which largely controls foreign and security policy.

The army regarded Haqqani as an untrustworthy intimate of the Americans and of the unpopular President Asif Ali Zardari.

Unlike Haqqani, Rehman is viewed as close to Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani, not Zardari. Rehman was appointed federal information minister when the civilian government took office in 2008, but she resigned the following year in protest over curbs on the media.


Sherry Rehman, Pakistan’s newly-appointed ambassador to the U.S., is well known among Indians for her role in trying to forge better relations between the hostile neighbors over the last few years.


After standing down as a information minister in 2009, Ms. Rehman has lent much of her time to the Jinnah Institute, a think tank she founded. One of the institute’s main preoccupations has been setting up dialogues between Indian and Pakistani journalists and analysts, the latest in Bangkok in October.

These discussions – knows as “track two diplomacy” – have not led to a peace breakthrough between India and Pakistan. But their participants say they are helping pave the way for better relations.

There have been some signs recently that things are improving, including Pakistan’s decision to normalize trade relations with India and New Delhi’s support of E.U. trade concessions for Pakistan, while progress on more-complex issues like Kashmir remains far off.

India will be watching to see whether Ms. Rehman’s profile means she will be less jumpy about India’s moves to develop its relations with Afghanistan, a country which Pakistan’s generals see as within their sphere of influence.

India’s recent decision to increase its training of Afghanistan security personnel has caused some unease in Pakistan. As U.S. ambassador, Ms. Rehman will be able to decide whether to try and push the U.S. to rein in Indian influence in Afghanistan or whether to leave the matter alone.

Of course, she will face pressure from Pakistan’s powerful military to follow its line on the matter, and the GHQ remains firmly anti-Indian.

A report the Jinnah Institute co-published in August shows that perhaps Ms. Rehman, while a friend of India, will also likely be a staunch defender of Pakistan’s objectives in Afghanistan.

The report laid out the views of Pakistani generals, former military officers, journalists and former diplomats over how Afghanistan should look after the international coalition’s withdrawal. It underlined the fear among participants of rising Indian influence in Afghanistan and Pakistan’s desire to see a negotiated settlement between the U.S. and the Taliban, with Pakistani involvement.

Pakistan ambassador to the United States resigns


Husain Haqqani's decision to resign makes him the first casualty in a scandal over an alleged memo to the U.S. that has exposed the growing chasm between Pakistan's civilian government and military.


Memogate claims its first victim

The resignation of Pakistan’s Ambassador to the United States Hussain Haqqani was perhaps what was needed to close the chapter on the ‘memogate’ controversy. While he maintained that he had no role in authoring or sending the said secret memo, the government and (let’s not beat about the bush) the military thought otherwise. One version of events has it that the prime minister asked for the resignation, so that any independent inquiry that were to follow would be outside the possible influence of the ambassador. Haqqani, however announced on the microblogging site Twitter that he had offered his resignation and asked the government to accept it. However, until an independent inquiry is conducted, as indeed should be the case, one won’t be able to comment on Haqqani’s role in the whole affair.


The immediate impact for Pakistan will be a vacuum in Washington DC, arguably the most important foreign capital for Pakistan (as would be for most other nations). Haqqani’s shoes, however, may be difficult to fill because if anything, he was good at his job and was reputed to have direct access to senior Congressional leaders as well as top officials in the Obama administration. He was also well-connected in the think-tank and lobbying circuit, which was certainly an asset given the nature of his role.

As for the other protagonist in ‘memogate’, Mansoor Ijaz, reportedly he is no angel either. Certain questions surrounding his role need answers as well. For instance, what made him go public with his claims on the memo and its authorship? Why did he see fit to meet, as reported in a section of the media (and not denied) with the head of the ISI and present the ‘evidence’ to him? Wouldn’t it have been better to submit this before an inquiry or the prime minister? Of course, if the memo was indeed sent, it was a very ham-handed and downright silly way of reining in the country’s powerful military. The principle, that a democratic nation’s military be subordinate and under the control of an elected civilian government is something that needs to be implemented in Pakistan as well but that will happen only if our elected governments get the foresight and the courage to go about doing this in the correct way: that is, through their electorate and by rallying popular support to this just cause.


Sunday, November 20, 2011


Imran Khan predicts 'a revolution' 

in Pakistani politics

Former national cricket captain vows to fight corruption
and negotiate with the Taliban in address to 100,000 at
Lahore rally
Imran Khan rally
Imran Khan waves to supporters during a rally in Lahore which was attened by over 100,000 people. Photograph: K.M. Chaudary/AP
At the height of his cricket glory days, Imran Khan would
 visualise winning – standing on the podium, cup held
aloft – and propellingPakistan to victory. Last weekend,
standing before a sea of supporters in Lahore, he had
a similar epiphany about his political career.
"As I stood there, watching them, I knew the moment
had come," Khan, who is the leader of the Pakistan
Tehrik-e-Insafr party, said. "Now nothing can stop us.
This is a revolution, a tsunami. We will not just win the
next elections – we will sweep them."
Whether the former cricket captain can translate
rhetoric into reality is hotly debated. Yet few doubt
that last weekend's rally sent shockwaves across
Pakistan's moribund political system.
Over 100,000 people crammed into a historic 
Lahore park. Many were middle-class Pakistanis –
young, urban, educated – drawn by Khan's rhetoric
and their anger at conventional politics.
"This is the emergence of a new force. The cry for
change is resonating across Pakistan," said Ayaz Amir,
a parliamentarian from rival Nawaz Sharif's party, who
was there. "Young, old, professionals, women – I've never
seen such people at a public meeting in Pakistan before."
The sight, Amir added, had "scared the living daylights"
out of his own party.
But others are sceptical that Khan represents real change.
"We've heard this rhetoric many times before," said Badar
Alam, editor of Herald magazine. "I'm cautious about it.
I don't know what agenda he is really promoting."
Khan is visibly buoyant. For years he has campaigned
on a platform of what some call "anti-politics" – virulent
criticism of the graft and patronage that infect Pakistani
politics. Now, he says, he has been proved right.
Sitting on the veranda of his hilltop farmhouse outside
 Islamabad, he pointed across the city at the presidential
 palace. "[President Asif Ali] Zardari is a crook, nothing
 more," he said. "We've broken all records in corruption."
His plan for the economy is to "inspire" Pakistanis to pay
tax – currently only 2% do so. "We just need to have some
austerity and collect taxes. If we do that, we can balance our budgets," he said.
In power, Khan said, he would cut off American aid.
 "I want to be a friend of the Americans, not their lackey.
Aid is a curse for a poor country; it stops you making
the required reforms and props up crooks."
But perhaps most alarmingly for Pakistan's western allies
 – and some Pakistanis – Khan says he would negotiate
with instead of fighting theTaliban militants who have been bombing Pakistani cities.
"Anyone who thinks this country will be taken over by
Taliban are fools. There's no concept of a theocracy
anywhere in the Muslim world for the past 1,400 years.
If I came to power, I could end this conflict in 90 days – guaranteed."
Khan's choice of allies, many of them veterans of
previous political dispensations, has also been
controversial. Khan's foreign policy adviser,
Shireen Mazari, is famously hostile  to India; when editing a national newspaper she ran stories that branded British,
Australian and American journalists as "CIA agents".
"I don't agree with her on everything. We give her hell
on certain views," he says.
Yet Khan is defiantly proud that his newfound success
is vindication against what he calls the "liberal, westernised
elite" – wealthy, English-speaking Pakistanis who, he claims,
are out of touch with the realities of their own country.
"I call them coconuts: brown on the outside, white on the
inside, looking at Pakistan through a westernised lens," he says.
His political views are firmly rooted in a particular view of Islam.
He does not favour changes to the notorious blasphemy law
– a virulent debate that led to the assassination of his friend Salmaan Taseer last January. "The time is not right. There
would be bloodshed. We need to worry about other things,"
he says.
And he is careful to direct his barbs away from the powerful military, which controls relations with India, the US and the
 fight against the Taliban. Although Khan enthusiastically
criticises [former president Pervez] Musharraf, who is now
in exile, he has little criticism of the army chief, General
Ashfaq Kayani.
"I have been critical of the generals in the past. I told them
they are selling our blood for dollars," he says. "But this is
not martial rule. It's up to our corrupt government to take responsibility." If he was in power and the army interfered,
he says, he would resign. "We would go back to the people."
Khan enjoys a reputation for probity, having set up a cancer hospital in honour of his mother, who died of the disease.
He also has a flash of glamour. A famous Pakistani pop
band, Strings, opened last week's rally; supporters include
his former wife, Jemima Khan, who attended a recent press conference in Islamabad to protest at CIA-led drone strikes
in the tribal belt.
For some Pakistanis, Khan simply represents a protest
against a moribund political system. "He's a bit of an idiot,"
said an architect from Lahore. "But he's better than the rest.
I would vote for him."
To achieve his dream of becoming prime minister, Khan
needs to convert his newfound popularity into seats in
parliament (he has none, having boycotted the 2008 poll).
To do so, he may have to recruit the same "corrupt"
politicians to achieve a majority.

"This is his most deadly flaw," says Herald editor Alam.
And time is short. Pakistan's next election is set for
February 2013 at the latest, although a snap election is a possibility.
His party remains weak, he has few candidates and, crucially, many of his supporters have never voted before. Whether they will now, says Alam, is "perhaps the biggest unknown in Pakistani politics  today."

Background

Although a self-styled "revolutionary", Imran Khan's politics are far from the fevered streets of the Arab Spring.
The difference is democracy: whereas across
the Muslim world, dissidents are fighting for the
right to vote, Pakistanis already have it.
But many dislike the leaders those elections
have thrown up, hence the current upheaval.
President Asif Ali Zardari is an accidental leader,
propelled into the job after his wife, Benazir Bhutto,
was assassinated in December 2007.
(Police indicted seven people for her
killing last month, including two policemen,
but the details remain murky.) Zardari has
struggled to shake off the "Mr 10%" moniker –
a reference to alleged corruption –
 while deteriorating economic and security
conditions have plunged his poll ratings into
the low teens.
But the main opposition challenger, Nawaz Sharif,
has failed to capitalize on this misfortune.
His N-league party, which controls the Punjab
government, has grown unpopular for failing to
contain an outbreak of dengue fever in recent months.
Sharif is also estranged from the powerful military,
which launched him into politics in the 1980s,
due to his long-standing rivalry with Pervez Musharraf,
the general who ousted Sharif from power in 1999.
The turmoil has emboldened challengers.
One is Musharraf, who currently lives in exile in London,
and has vowed to return to Pakistan next March.
But the general faces numerous obstacles, including court prosecutions, security threats and opposition from the army leadership. The other is Khan, until recently viewed as a fringe player in national politics, seen most often on chatshows and protests against drone strikes.
All eyes are now fixed on senate elections next March, which should see Zardari's Pakistan Peoples Party take control of the upper house – and, possibly, pave the way for a second term as president for Zardari.