Imran Khan predicts 'a revolution'
in Pakistani politics
Former national cricket captain vows to fight corruption
and negotiate with the Taliban in address to 100,000 at
Lahore rally
and negotiate with the Taliban in address to 100,000 at
Lahore rally
Imran Khan waves to supporters during a rally in Lahore which was attened by over 100,000 people. Photograph: K.M. Chaudary/AP
At the height of his cricket glory days, Imran Khan would
visualise winning – standing on the podium, cup held
aloft – and propellingPakistan to victory. Last weekend,
standing before a sea of supporters in Lahore, he had
a similar epiphany about his political career.
visualise winning – standing on the podium, cup held
aloft – and propellingPakistan to victory. Last weekend,
standing before a sea of supporters in Lahore, he had
a similar epiphany about his political career.
"As I stood there, watching them, I knew the moment
had come," Khan, who is the leader of the Pakistan
Tehrik-e-Insafr party, said. "Now nothing can stop us.
This is a revolution, a tsunami. We will not just win the
next elections – we will sweep them."
had come," Khan, who is the leader of the Pakistan
Tehrik-e-Insafr party, said. "Now nothing can stop us.
This is a revolution, a tsunami. We will not just win the
next elections – we will sweep them."
Whether the former cricket captain can translate
rhetoric into reality is hotly debated. Yet few doubt
that last weekend's rally sent shockwaves across
Pakistan's moribund political system.
rhetoric into reality is hotly debated. Yet few doubt
that last weekend's rally sent shockwaves across
Pakistan's moribund political system.
Over 100,000 people crammed into a historic
Lahore park. Many were middle-class Pakistanis –
young, urban, educated – drawn by Khan's rhetoric
and their anger at conventional politics.
Lahore park. Many were middle-class Pakistanis –
young, urban, educated – drawn by Khan's rhetoric
and their anger at conventional politics.
"This is the emergence of a new force. The cry for
change is resonating across Pakistan," said Ayaz Amir,
a parliamentarian from rival Nawaz Sharif's party, who
was there. "Young, old, professionals, women – I've never
seen such people at a public meeting in Pakistan before."
change is resonating across Pakistan," said Ayaz Amir,
a parliamentarian from rival Nawaz Sharif's party, who
was there. "Young, old, professionals, women – I've never
seen such people at a public meeting in Pakistan before."
The sight, Amir added, had "scared the living daylights"
out of his own party.
out of his own party.
But others are sceptical that Khan represents real change.
"We've heard this rhetoric many times before," said Badar
Alam, editor of Herald magazine. "I'm cautious about it.
I don't know what agenda he is really promoting."
"We've heard this rhetoric many times before," said Badar
Alam, editor of Herald magazine. "I'm cautious about it.
I don't know what agenda he is really promoting."
Khan is visibly buoyant. For years he has campaigned
on a platform of what some call "anti-politics" – virulent
criticism of the graft and patronage that infect Pakistani
politics. Now, he says, he has been proved right.
on a platform of what some call "anti-politics" – virulent
criticism of the graft and patronage that infect Pakistani
politics. Now, he says, he has been proved right.
Sitting on the veranda of his hilltop farmhouse outside
Islamabad, he pointed across the city at the presidential
palace. "[President Asif Ali] Zardari is a crook, nothing
more," he said. "We've broken all records in corruption."
Islamabad, he pointed across the city at the presidential
palace. "[President Asif Ali] Zardari is a crook, nothing
more," he said. "We've broken all records in corruption."
His plan for the economy is to "inspire" Pakistanis to pay
tax – currently only 2% do so. "We just need to have some
austerity and collect taxes. If we do that, we can balance our budgets," he said.
tax – currently only 2% do so. "We just need to have some
austerity and collect taxes. If we do that, we can balance our budgets," he said.
In power, Khan said, he would cut off American aid.
"I want to be a friend of the Americans, not their lackey.
Aid is a curse for a poor country; it stops you making
the required reforms and props up crooks."
"I want to be a friend of the Americans, not their lackey.
Aid is a curse for a poor country; it stops you making
the required reforms and props up crooks."
But perhaps most alarmingly for Pakistan's western allies
– and some Pakistanis – Khan says he would negotiate
with instead of fighting theTaliban militants who have been bombing Pakistani cities.
– and some Pakistanis – Khan says he would negotiate
with instead of fighting theTaliban militants who have been bombing Pakistani cities.
"Anyone who thinks this country will be taken over by
Taliban are fools. There's no concept of a theocracy
anywhere in the Muslim world for the past 1,400 years.
If I came to power, I could end this conflict in 90 days – guaranteed."
Taliban are fools. There's no concept of a theocracy
anywhere in the Muslim world for the past 1,400 years.
If I came to power, I could end this conflict in 90 days – guaranteed."
Khan's choice of allies, many of them veterans of
previous political dispensations, has also been
controversial. Khan's foreign policy adviser,
Shireen Mazari, is famously hostile to India; when editing a national newspaper she ran stories that branded British,
Australian and American journalists as "CIA agents".
previous political dispensations, has also been
controversial. Khan's foreign policy adviser,
Shireen Mazari, is famously hostile to India; when editing a national newspaper she ran stories that branded British,
Australian and American journalists as "CIA agents".
"I don't agree with her on everything. We give her hell
on certain views," he says.
on certain views," he says.
Yet Khan is defiantly proud that his newfound success
is vindication against what he calls the "liberal, westernised
elite" – wealthy, English-speaking Pakistanis who, he claims,
are out of touch with the realities of their own country.
"I call them coconuts: brown on the outside, white on the
inside, looking at Pakistan through a westernised lens," he says.
is vindication against what he calls the "liberal, westernised
elite" – wealthy, English-speaking Pakistanis who, he claims,
are out of touch with the realities of their own country.
"I call them coconuts: brown on the outside, white on the
inside, looking at Pakistan through a westernised lens," he says.
His political views are firmly rooted in a particular view of Islam.
He does not favour changes to the notorious blasphemy law
– a virulent debate that led to the assassination of his friend Salmaan Taseer last January. "The time is not right. There
would be bloodshed. We need to worry about other things,"
he says.
He does not favour changes to the notorious blasphemy law
– a virulent debate that led to the assassination of his friend Salmaan Taseer last January. "The time is not right. There
would be bloodshed. We need to worry about other things,"
he says.
And he is careful to direct his barbs away from the powerful military, which controls relations with India, the US and the
fight against the Taliban. Although Khan enthusiastically
criticises [former president Pervez] Musharraf, who is now
in exile, he has little criticism of the army chief, General
Ashfaq Kayani.
fight against the Taliban. Although Khan enthusiastically
criticises [former president Pervez] Musharraf, who is now
in exile, he has little criticism of the army chief, General
Ashfaq Kayani.
"I have been critical of the generals in the past. I told them
they are selling our blood for dollars," he says. "But this is
not martial rule. It's up to our corrupt government to take responsibility." If he was in power and the army interfered,
he says, he would resign. "We would go back to the people."
they are selling our blood for dollars," he says. "But this is
not martial rule. It's up to our corrupt government to take responsibility." If he was in power and the army interfered,
he says, he would resign. "We would go back to the people."
Khan enjoys a reputation for probity, having set up a cancer hospital in honour of his mother, who died of the disease.
He also has a flash of glamour. A famous Pakistani pop
band, Strings, opened last week's rally; supporters include
his former wife, Jemima Khan, who attended a recent press conference in Islamabad to protest at CIA-led drone strikes
in the tribal belt.
He also has a flash of glamour. A famous Pakistani pop
band, Strings, opened last week's rally; supporters include
his former wife, Jemima Khan, who attended a recent press conference in Islamabad to protest at CIA-led drone strikes
in the tribal belt.
For some Pakistanis, Khan simply represents a protest
against a moribund political system. "He's a bit of an idiot,"
said an architect from Lahore. "But he's better than the rest.
I would vote for him."
against a moribund political system. "He's a bit of an idiot,"
said an architect from Lahore. "But he's better than the rest.
I would vote for him."
To achieve his dream of becoming prime minister, Khan
needs to convert his newfound popularity into seats in
parliament (he has none, having boycotted the 2008 poll).
To do so, he may have to recruit the same "corrupt"
politicians to achieve a majority.
"This is his most deadly flaw," says Herald editor Alam.
needs to convert his newfound popularity into seats in
parliament (he has none, having boycotted the 2008 poll).
To do so, he may have to recruit the same "corrupt"
politicians to achieve a majority.
"This is his most deadly flaw," says Herald editor Alam.
And time is short. Pakistan's next election is set for
February 2013 at the latest, although a snap election is a possibility.
February 2013 at the latest, although a snap election is a possibility.
His party remains weak, he has few candidates and, crucially, many of his supporters have never voted before. Whether they will now, says Alam, is "perhaps the biggest unknown in Pakistani politics today."
Background
Although a self-styled "revolutionary", Imran Khan's politics are far from the fevered streets of the Arab Spring.
The difference is democracy: whereas across
the Muslim world, dissidents are fighting for the
right to vote, Pakistanis already have it.
But many dislike the leaders those elections
have thrown up, hence the current upheaval.
The difference is democracy: whereas across
the Muslim world, dissidents are fighting for the
right to vote, Pakistanis already have it.
But many dislike the leaders those elections
have thrown up, hence the current upheaval.
President Asif Ali Zardari is an accidental leader,
propelled into the job after his wife, Benazir Bhutto,
was assassinated in December 2007.
(Police indicted seven people for her
killing last month, including two policemen,
but the details remain murky.) Zardari has
struggled to shake off the "Mr 10%" moniker –
a reference to alleged corruption –
while deteriorating economic and security
conditions have plunged his poll ratings into
the low teens.
propelled into the job after his wife, Benazir Bhutto,
was assassinated in December 2007.
(Police indicted seven people for her
killing last month, including two policemen,
but the details remain murky.) Zardari has
struggled to shake off the "Mr 10%" moniker –
a reference to alleged corruption –
while deteriorating economic and security
conditions have plunged his poll ratings into
the low teens.
But the main opposition challenger, Nawaz Sharif,
has failed to capitalize on this misfortune.
His N-league party, which controls the Punjab
government, has grown unpopular for failing to
contain an outbreak of dengue fever in recent months.
Sharif is also estranged from the powerful military,
which launched him into politics in the 1980s,
due to his long-standing rivalry with Pervez Musharraf,
the general who ousted Sharif from power in 1999.
has failed to capitalize on this misfortune.
His N-league party, which controls the Punjab
government, has grown unpopular for failing to
contain an outbreak of dengue fever in recent months.
Sharif is also estranged from the powerful military,
which launched him into politics in the 1980s,
due to his long-standing rivalry with Pervez Musharraf,
the general who ousted Sharif from power in 1999.
The turmoil has emboldened challengers.
One is Musharraf, who currently lives in exile in London,
and has vowed to return to Pakistan next March.
But the general faces numerous obstacles, including court prosecutions, security threats and opposition from the army leadership. The other is Khan, until recently viewed as a fringe player in national politics, seen most often on chatshows and protests against drone strikes.
One is Musharraf, who currently lives in exile in London,
and has vowed to return to Pakistan next March.
But the general faces numerous obstacles, including court prosecutions, security threats and opposition from the army leadership. The other is Khan, until recently viewed as a fringe player in national politics, seen most often on chatshows and protests against drone strikes.
All eyes are now fixed on senate elections next March, which should see Zardari's Pakistan Peoples Party take control of the upper house – and, possibly, pave the way for a second term as president for Zardari.
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